Sloth, corruption dog civil services

August 8, 2010 at 5:49 PM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Corruption, Incidents that opened my eyes. | 4 Comments



The civil services are in a mess. Though IAS officers enjoy lot of power and clout, they also draw flak for lethargy, incompetence and corruption. And this has not only corroded the steel frame but also affected good governance. The Indian polity needs to replicate the Indonesian model to stem the rot in the system,

There was a time when joining the civil services was a matter of prestige. Increasingly now the public looks upon the entire gamut of civil services as self-seeking, greedy and corrupt. Some perceptions and realities need to be juxtaposed sequentially and re-stated because they impact hugely upon the quality of governance.

The civil service is not an island floating on its own, but a reflection of the ethics and mores that exist in society. When the arena of politics is so highly contaminated, it is too much to expect that civil servants alone would be distilled purity. Particularly when instant protection is given by the law makers to inveterate lawbreakers on grounds of caste, community, religion, and money power, there is really little hope that the civil services alone will rise and miraculously provide good governance.

But first a little reverie about the times when things were different. As the seven-year-old daughter of a woman officer recruited to the Central Secretariat Service post independence, I spent my childhood in the fifties playing with children of my mother’s colleagues in the Ministry of Home Affairs. A picnic at Surajkund, a family movie and an occasional dinner party were the highest points of the evening life of the officer class, otherwise spent in the corridors of New Delhi’s Khan Market where they bought everything from groceries to the first gas burner.

Looking back, the most distinguishing feature was the complete absence of anyone outside the civil services in this select group and their modest-even spartan lifestyles. (Notwithstanding that ICS households baked a caramel custard pudding instead of the pedestrian sooji halwa.)

In the late sixties, after I cleared the IAS, I was trained in turn by three stalwarts — T.N. Seshan and later B.N. Tandon and Gopi K. Arora. All of them (at least then) maintained unpretentious lifestyles both in the office and at home. A game of bridge or an evening of classical music helped tie a familial knot that has lasted more than 40 years.

Conversations always carried a sense of admiration for honesty and hard work and an abhorrence and intolerance for wheeling-dealing. The minimalism of their homes, the simplicity of their families and their self-made children was what I observed.

But elsewhere something else was happening. The children of once deprived families had grown older, entered the civil services yearning to announce their arrival. There was also a need to look after the biradari which had nurtured them through a disadvantaged childhood. Some longed to flaunt their new-found status and a realisation came that proximity to power could help to leapfrog into positions of even greater influence out of turn.

Postings with the power of patronage and great visibility could actually be manipulated quite effortlessly just by using the right connections. One powerful connection led to the next. The colours and contours of the civil service began to change, making this the preferred route for an increasing number of officers as the years passed. Products of the old school were not eliminated altogether because all governments need honest, hardworking officers to have credibility and substance. But they had to be really exceptional to reach the top.

For the greater part, garnering and wielding visible authority became heady business. To take a rather extreme example of encounter killings criminals were regularly liquidated in stage-managed episodes all in the name of saving the public. A former Chief Secretary of Maharashtra said emphatically: “Many policemen hang out with criminals and are often engaged by rival gangster groups to eliminate their rivals. Sometimes politicians promote these killings. Sometimes it is a purely police enterprise.” But he added, “How else can extortion by the underworld be stopped? Ultimately, a society gains; does it not?”

In direct contrast stands another phenomenon which has demoralised the service ethos incalculably. In every state, there is a section of officers (and they come from rural, small town backgrounds or could be the products of elite backgrounds and institutions,) who spurn the politician-businessman nexus. They neither hanker for powerful jobs while in service nor crave Governorships, constitutional posts, or government perks after retirement.

Regardless of what bosses wish to hear, such officers can be infuriatingly straightforward and brutally frank. The political executive and a pliable senior bureaucracy complain about their pig-headedness but use them like kitchen devices — indispensable, but easily replaceable. Over the years, their marginalisation has destroyed idealism and initiative; also given a mistaken message to young officers: the future does not lie in following the rulebook. Honesty and uprightness can actually flush you out.

Instead, amassing and displaying wealth and wielding visible authority are seen as the true signs of success. When the bureaucrat-politician-businessman links are strong and interdependent, no Civil Service Authority or Public Service Law (we hear of) can alter the picture significantly. Only a Lokpal (Ombudsman) can investigate alliances in high places founded on dishonesty.

Sadly, however, the Lokpal concept has been shelved repeatedly for 44 years. The Benami Transaction Act (1988) is bereft of rules for 22 years because notifying the rules will immediately render all benami transactions at the risk of forfeiture. Despite the Second Administrative Reforms Commission prodding the government to move promptly on both these fronts, there is no tangible progress. So we continue to rely on the Central Vigilance Commission and the Central Bureau of Investigation who have given ample evidence of being inept, partisan and inefficient for too long.

Alternatives have been tried elsewhere. Indonesia established a Corruption Eradication Commission — born out of public reaction to the brazen corruption during 30 years of President Suharto’s rule. So irrepressible was the public outcry in 1998 that the incoming government was forced to create a powerful anti-corruption agency — Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi — as an Act of Parliament. KPK’s resounding success (at least until early 2010) — carries some lessons for India.

The KPK has reportedly prosecuted and jailed over 100 high-ranking officials in five years. It has won every case before the corruption court and had all verdicts upheld by the Supreme Court. Indonesia says her ranking in the International Corruption Perception Index has improved thereby, giving the country a more ethical reputation worldwide.

Among others, the KPK has jailed a Minister, Members of Parliament, heads and key officials of the Central Bank, the Election Commission, the Competition Commission, Governors and Mayors, as well as senior officers from the police and the Attorney General’s office. It has also jailed businessmen, heads of private companies and notably the father-in-law of the President’s son. Because KPK is headed by a five-member Commission which operates as a collegium, the manipulation of the entire body becomes very hard. KPK Commissioners are identified by a special selection team appointed by the President from among known leaders in society and representatives from the prosecution and the police. Names of prospective candidates are placed on a website for public scrutiny. Ten candidates are recommended by a selection committee to the President, who then sends the names to Parliament which makes the ultimate choice of five Commissioners.

The Indian polity badly needs a similar system to stem the rot. Meanwhile, there is a lot members of the civil services can do by refusing to join the world of corruption-ridden interdependencies. Also by refusing to keep mum. When a few in every service still have a sense of ethics left and feel disturbed and angry when they see trade-offs taking place, they need to rally together and tell colleagues that following the rulebook may not bring immediate results but will ultimately give peace of mind — more precious than anything money or power can buy once retirement comes.

Governance Grumbles–a one-act play in Hinglish in three scene

August 8, 2010 at 5:35 PM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

Kvetching literally means grumbling, finding fault, whining and complaining. Research by Universities like Cornell has concluded that “complaining fosters a social bond within a peer group stuck in the same leaky boat”. The content of the complaint is not as important as the joy of complaining because it provides “breathing space within an occasionally suffocating culture”. This one-act play captures the archetypal kvetching that goes on within bureaucracy and Ministerhood.

(The characters mentioned in the play are imaginary.)

Act I Scene I:
Starring in order of appearance:
Joint Secretary: Suresh Sinha
Joint Secretary: Ravi Mishra
Joint Secretary: Madhulika Bannerji
Peon: Brahmpal

Room of Joint Secretary Suresh Sinha in the Ministry of Power.
(Joint Secretary Sinha walks over from the desk to the coffee table where Joint Secretary Mishra is opening his tiffin carrier.)

Joint Secretary Sinha: Yaar, this Ministry is a real pain. My batchmate in the Health Ministry is eternally in Geneva. In Power we guys hardly get a chance to step out—whatever opportunity comes is grabbed by those techies.

Joint Secretary Mishra: My wife wants me to lose 5 kg. So she has packed me kheera and gajar once again for lunch. But I’m not very hungry. I ate two huge samosas in the Central Electricity Authority meeting today. They serve such unhealthy snacks at sarkari meetings, yaar. In the private sector they get doughnuts and cappuccino coffee. I am told they even have gyms for workouts.

(Enter the third Joint Secretary, Madhulika Bannerji, wearing an ethnic chic sari and a big bindi and kajal.)

Joint Secretary Sinha: Hi, Madhu, you’re looking pretty stunning today. What’s up?

Joint Secretary Bannerji: What rubbish! (Adjusts her pallu and pats her hair.) Suno, guys, I am so mad at the Secretary. He has sent my keen type Director for the third foreign trip in six months. Whenever my file goes with a foreign trip proposal, he turns it down saying that I am indispensable here. Real MCP.

Joint Secretary Mishra: Yeah, he is so unpredictable. One day he grins at you and asks about the family and the very next day he freezes when you walk in.

Joint Secretary Bannerji: I think he’s trying to become the Chief Electricity Regulation Commissioner when he retires. I heard him on the RAX. He was saying that he was the most qualified but the grapevine says the Mantri is gunning for him because he turned that Bimbani contract into a real spin. He even squealed to PMO and CVC as peshbandi.

Joint Secretary Mishra:Madhulika, you really talk too much. If the Secretary gets to hear you, you’ve had it.

Joint Secretary Bannerji: Why should I be scared? Although the Secretary is a pain, I’m on his side if he stopped all that gadbad.

(A peon enters, carrying three glasses of water.)

Joint Secretary Sinha: Yaar, Brahmpal, mere liye dosa lana. Now I say, jaldi!

Peon Brahmpal: Sa’ab, canteen band ho gaya. Kela ya amrood la doon?
(Phone rings and Joint Secretary Sinha shuffles from the sofa back to the desk.)

Joint Secretary Sinha: Hello! Yes, sir. No, sir. I will bring it now, sir. No. No. Rightaway, sir. I am on the way, sir.
(Puts down the intercom receiver, walks back and continues dialogue.)
This Additional Secretary is a real soand-so. Ever since he got promoted he has become so bumptious. I used to know him so well when we were both JSs. He has changed completely ever since. Just because he wants to impress the Secretary at the 3 pm meeting, he is
demanding a briefing just now from me. I’m famished, yaar.
(Sinha grabs a cucumber slice from Mishra’s tiffin carrier and eats it hungrily.)

Joint Secretary Bannerji: But then why were you sucking up to him so much? You should have told him that you had not eaten lunch. On the one hand you crib about him and on the other you really pander to his demands.

Joint Secretary Mishra: Sinha, yaar, don’t listen to her. You had better go. Madhulika’s ACR will be written after one year. Yours will be written by the Additional Secretary in two months. You’d better keep the AS on the right side.
(Joint Secretary Sinha staggers out of the room carrying a big file, his spectacles hanging on his chest, a notepad and a pen in the other hand, the straps of his sandals remaining undone because of the hurry.)

Joint Secretary Bannerji: You guys are such down and out careerists. I think there is more to life than becoming an Additional Secretary. Forever looking over your shoulder. I believe in calling a spade a spade.

Joint Secretary Mishra: It’s okay for you to spout all this, Madhu, because you have at least 10 years to go before you are considered for becoming AS. Sinha can’t afford to take any more chances, Madhu. Don’t bhadkao him. He’ll get even more disheartened. His last ACR last year was just “Very Good”. Between us, he’s already sunk.

Joint Secretary Bannerji: But, Ravi, there is such a thing as self-respect. Why couldn’t he just say he hadn’t had lunch? He’s got to stand up for his rights. ACRs cannot supersede your health.

Joint Secretary Mishra: Don’t be daft, Madhu. It sounds as though he puts lunch before the Additional Secretary. That will finish him for good. Grow up, kid!

Joint Secretary Bannerji: Ravi, don’t you start getting patronizing with me. My mood is bad already. This place sucks, yaar. Everyone here sucks.

Act I Scene II
Starring in order of appearance: Secretary, Power: Padmanabhan Secretary, Development Commission: Ramanathan

(Secretary Padmanabhan is sitting at his desk, telephone receiver to his ear. On the other side of an invisible screen is Secretary Ramanathan, also on the telephone. The two Secretaries exchange notes while sipping tea. A red light is on in both chambers, indicating that the Secretaries are busy with important matters of state.)

Secretary Padmanabhan: Hi, Ramu. How are things in Development Commission? I’m so tired of all my Joint Secretaries in this Ministry. I don’t know how people become JSs these days. They can’t write two sentences straight and are always sniffing around
for foreign trips without doing a stroke of work. Give even one of them anything less than an “outstanding” chit and they go howling all over the place. Give me a good Director any day.

Secretary Ramanathan: You are right, Paddu. But at least you get the better lot in your Ministry. Most of mine in the Commision can’t see the big picture. But they are preferable to those allknowing armchair experts who keep pontificating all day. They have never seen a district leave alone knowing how a State government functions. And these guys actually decide how the country should be run. I am long past taking “Marg Darshan” from them.

Secretary Padmanabhan: Yeah, I agree. My chhota mantri in Power wants to be in Foreign Affairs next time around. Generation of power just does not interest him leave alone any talk of transmission lines. He can’t tell a Megawatt from MVA and thinks that a supercritical power plant is like an ICU. He is desperate for a change in the next reshuffle. He has been walking on air ever since he heard that the chhota Foreign Minister is being sent as Governor.

Secretary Ramanathan: By the way, what happened to your becoming Chairman of the Electricity Regulatory outfit?

Secretary Padmanabhan: I think the Bimbanis have done me in. They have gone around saying that the Secretary is inflexible. You will have to set me up as Member, Energy in the Development Commission after I retire. They will need someone to look after that in the Commission.

Secretary Ramanathan: I wish such things were in my hands, my friend. But I’ll give it a shot, Paddu, for old time’s sake. You can return the favour when I retire after a year. And, by the way, don’t forget that your Mantri can do a lot for you. Keep on his right
side. The real powers that be have a huge soft spot for him. Old boys plus bachcha network. Deadly combination, man.

Secretary Padmanabhan: I did not know that, Ramu. Thanks for the tipoff. I’d better call off now. That eager beaver Additional Secretary has been jhankoing in twice already. He is just panting to replace me when I retire. What example is he setting to those poor youngsters? The old values have disappeared completely.

Act I Scene III
Starring in order of appearance:
Minister for Power
Minister for Industry
Secretary Padmanabhan
(Dept of Power)

(The Minister for Power and the Minister for Industry are sitting on a sofa, chatting. They both wear white kurta-pyjamas. Both Ministers are very young. Minister for Power wears designer sunglasses and Minister for Industry has spiked hair.)

Minister for Power: PM is very happy with the power sector’s performance. He said so himself. But the trouble with this sector is that it is too national. I’ve not been able to do a thing for my constituency – there are no schemes or projects at the district evel. And the officers are so dull and unimaginative. My Secretary works like a Manager. Always bringing sheets of paper with big fat graphs to show how something extraordinary has been pulled off. The guy has no political sense. When my constituency visitors are sitting around he gives them the cool ignore. If it weren’t for the PSUs doing all that CSR stuff I’d be sunk. Good thing he is retiring soon.

Minister for Industry: I’m new to this Mahan Bharat Sarkar business. All I can say is that these officers cram up all those figures and then throw around all that jargon and statistics at briefings. They see ghosts of corruption everywhere. The latest alibi they have now is this awful RTI thing. One would think they are paid only to find ways of scuttling everything that comes from the Mantri. But were the Cabinet Secretary to tell them even once, they will turn somersaults. It’s all the fault of the bureaucracy, I say. India has not improved because of these blokes.

Minister for Power: You know, I would rather have my Additional Secretary as the Secretary. He is down-to-earth and understands political compulsions thoroughly. What is the basis for posting officers? I have three Joint Secretaries who have been here even before I joined. They’re nice people but I think they have been terrorized by the Secretary. And as for that big bindi woman Joint Secretary, she would have been so much better off in Tourism or Culture, even Women and Child Development. It’s impossible to talk
once she gets started. If such women become Secretaries they will be a disaster. But who can say this? The whole nari brigade in parliament will gang up and shout the place down and make a ruckus on TV too.

Minister for Industry: There will be a reshuffle soon. The grapevine has it that you are going to get a promotion, might even land up in the Foreign Ministry. Good for you. You will have much more visibility there. Everything is so civilized in MEA. The only bad part is that you won’t be able to do anything for your constituency there either. And if you think your big bindi woman JS talks too much, you haven’t heard the Foreign Service varieties – both men and women. They can really stretch a five-minute briefing for five hours. Anyway, I’m leaving for the US tonight for Modernization of Fast Developing Countries Conference. I’d better go now.

(Exit Minister for Industry, talking into a gadget stuck to his ear while holding a mobile phone in each hand, both ringing simultaneously.)
Enter Secretary Padmanabhan: Good evening, sir. Namaskar, sir, vannakam, sir
Congratulations, sir. Did you know there is this great gfiles magazine, sir? It’s all about the bureaucracy. In the latest issue I have with me here they have rated how bureaucrats rank the Ministers. Sir, you have been rated as Numero Uno, sir. Congratulations, sir!
You can show this magazine to the PM, sir. And this is really something huge because gfiles is really the last word on the subject.You deserve the number 1 ranking, sir. It’s all your vision for 2121, sir.
(Getting up to go, Secretary Padmanabhan stands up as if to go and suddenly sits down again.)
By the way, sir, I was going to mention that I am due to retire at the end of the month, sir. I don’t have to say anything more to you, sir. You have always been my benefactor, sir.

Minister for Power: Of course I’ll do what I can. By the way, that Sunil Bimbani industrialist met me the other day about his power plant in Bimnagar. What’s the problem with his case? You are such a good manager, sort it out.

Secretary Padmanabhan: Bilkul, sir. It’ll be done, sir. It’s a small thing, sir. Aur koi mere layak sewa, sir? And don’t forget to show the PM the gfiles article, sir. By the way, I’ve got the National Power Corporation to set up an amusement park in your onstituency as a part of CSR. Every child will remember you forever, sir. g

A dangerous admission

July 13, 2010 at 10:58 AM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment
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I’m so scared” said Arjun Bhatia’s mother to his beleaguered father. Arjun, three and a half, jumped on and off the sofa unmindful of the “trauma and tension associated with nursery school admissions” — precisely what the Ganguli Committee report (2006) had sought to prevent. That well-intentioned scheme, with marks assigned for proximity to the school, alumni status, sibling presence and girl child applications, has unfortunately been twisted out of shape.

Thousands of hapless parents continue to hurtle from one school to another to get a child admitted. The government says it is helpless, because the scheme is not of its creation but the result of judicial fiat. The maximum manipulation takes place when the management assigns a whopping 20 per cent to 40 per cent marks for “educational and professional qualifications” of parents — with no criteria. Another area where schools fiddle admissions is the 10 per cent “management quota”. When some upmarket schools command up to Rs 10 lakh per seat, this quota is stretched elastically.

For these and several other reasons, the nursery admission process remains unfair and convoluted. Nothing can be explain how a kid from Bengali Market, with both parents in professional jobs, was denied admission to every school in New Delhi. And what is a toddler from Anand Vihar in East Delhi doing in a school on Mathura Road 20 km away if the neighbourhood concept is being implemented?

Hundreds of bleary eyed four-year-olds are wrenched out of bed, lifted bodily and dispatched in a trundling school bus at 6:45 am, to return only at about 4 pm. “It’s torturing the child” says Dr R.K. Sharma a veteran of the Delhi education department.

What then is the bigger picture? Half of Delhi’s 1200 recognised public schools admit children into nursery; between them they account for 40,000 nursery seats throughout Delhi. With approximately 250,000 infants born each year calculating the numbers seeking nursery admission is child’s play. The bulk of children from the lower middle and working classes go to government or municipal schools, whether owned or aided. That still leaves at least 50,000 families, mainly from the upper-middle class, seeking admission in privately-run schools.

Of the 600 private schools offering nursery admission, only 150 belong to what the education directorate’s officers tend to call “hi-fi” schools. And because these are predominantly located in three districts — New Delhi, south, and south-west Delhi — upwardly mobile parents make a beeline there. East Delhi with a huge and upmarket resident profile has only 10 “hi-fi” schools. Another 130 schools in the district are termed “moderate”, a euphemism for “simply not good enough”.

Given these numbers, and that at stake is not just a nursery admission for a four-year-old but the child’s 14 subsequent years — and perhaps his college prospects and career options— it is inevitable that the managements of sought- after schools are battered with influence and money.

What is the way out? First, the education directorate plays an important task while “recognising” private schools. Inspections are conducted to check existence of prescribed benchmarks which include infrastructure, the presence of properly trained and salaried teachers, water and fire services and a range of extracurricular activities. When all this information is available, it ought to be shared on the the directorate’s website, with the result of the last inspection and the previous year’s school-leaving examination results. That would give a better idea of the school’s quality and educational attainment.

Second, segregate unaided private nursery and primary schools from the middle and secondary schools. The entry point for middle school should be Class 6. Until then children should attend nearby schools as a matter of right — and use their precious childhood to learn socialisation skills, the three “R”s, and to play and express themselves with abandon. That is the system the world over. Why not here?

Admission into Class 6 should be done on the basis of an objective-type test among recognised private schools, seat allotment made on the basis of merit-cum-preference, and finally through a lottery within the qualified group. The Delhi Education Act of 1976 should be amended to ensure that primary and middle school management is separated and the merit-cum-preference test for admission to middle schools is administered much like centralised examinations for professional courses. The idea has worked well in the United States, which runs “magnet schools” which attract the best students, and no pressure and stress issues stand in the way there.

The result would be fewer panicky parents, an authentic picture of school performance to guide them, and little or no stress on the young child whose real chance will come at age 12, not 4. The present laissez-faire approach has been disastrous.

Of course the RTE Act will need amending, to allow for middle school admission tests after Class 5. This screening has produced tens of thousands of shining students, via the Jawahar Navodyas and the Delhi government’s Pratibha schools. We need more of that ethos and less shackles on children’s childhood.

Images of exclusion?

July 7, 2010 at 10:00 AM | Posted in Gender/Women's Rights, Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

The elderly are major consumers of media and entertainment. Yet they continue to be portrayed in negative, gendered stereotypes, as victims. Are these images promoting social segregation?

The danger is that stereotypes reduce people to simple categories and convert assumptions into realities…

Beyond stereotypes: Growing old and loving every moment.

More and more Indians are joining the ranks of the educated elderly. They are the most avid among readers of newspapers and magazines, and even more ardent as television viewers. It is hence ironic that despite their growing numbers and their propensity to devour all that media has to offer, the elderly are either discarded by media or relegated to age-old stereotypes. The depiction follows a set pattern which, far from reducing the gender-based divide, perpetrates social segregation.

First, there is the belief that the best things in life are the preserve of the young and upwardly mobile. Producers, editors, copy-writers, and marketing buffs naturally target a world which has influence or money or they resurrect the world they are accustomed to. Like Jane Austen who never describes two men in conversation, because she never witnessed such scenes in her own life, the drivers of image creation appear unconvinced about women’s empowerment, career advancement and economic independence; certainly not representative enough to be captured and projected. In conversation, Professor Srivastava of the Institute of Economic Growth queried whether this had only to do with the spending proclivities of the elderly, or it might also relate to the historically conservative role that media has played when it comes to social issues.

Disproportionate coverage

A study conducted last year by Archana Kaushik from the Department of Social Work in Delhi University has looked at the images of the elderly portrayed by newspapers, television, and cinema. In the case of print medium, her samples covered six English and Hindi newspapers having the widest circulation in India. In 30,000 articles that she scanned, the print media accorded less than one per cent space to the subject of the elderly. Considering that 60-plus people are eight per cent of the population, with a projected doubling of this proportion within the next 10 years, it is surprising that the elderly are of so little consequence to the print media. Kaushik also scanned 500 articles featured by two leading magazines over three months and found only one article on the elderly — that too on dementia, where only the threatening aspects of what lies in store received primacy.

Easy victims?

What the print media does however cover with ghoulish interest and that too on its front pages is the susceptibility of the elderly to become victims of crime, so reinforcing images of old people as feeble, lonely and vulnerable. The media’s portrayal of such stories immediately gets a knee-jerk reaction from governments. The result: insecurity of the elderly takes centre stage for a few weeks while the more important issues of their positive well-being get ignored.

The experience with telly-commercials is diametrically opposite. In over 300 TV commercials scanned by the research study, the elderly were featured in double their proportion in the population. Another difference — while elderly men were shown as jovial extroverts, the wives were invariably confined to home settings. Observes Professor Srivastava, “A fundamental aspect of this (difference) has to do with sexuality. Such depictions of elderly men leave open possibilities that are closed off to women; it is one of the enduring taboos of Indian society.”

Perhaps the only rather refreshing exception was the Asian Paints advertisement where the grandmother contradicting her husband recalls the colour of their grand son’s knickers, smugly asserting, “I’m always right!”

Again all insurance advertisements project men as ‘providers’, and by inference show women as dependent beneficiaries. Another stereotype is the use of young models for selling products like disposable syringes, gels for the treatment of wrinkles and arthritis — as though images of the elderly who primarily use these products might attach some kind of odium to their marketability.

Among television serials, the elderly occupied almost 30 per cent of the major roles — four times higher than their proportion in the population. The obvious difference was that the men were shown in their sixties whereas the women were octogenarians swathed in traditional white saris reinforcing the belief that old age spells detachment from vibrancy. Similarly, while elderly men exercised power and patriarchal authority, elderly women were shown as family bonders, willing to make huge personal compromises to restore domestic accord. Although the manipulative genius of both sexes was depicted, women’s roles were confined to making and breaking families while elderly men played challenging roles as patriarch, villain or Godfather.

An exception is a mammoth Marathi telly serial “Chaar diwas sasu che” where the main character, acted by Rohini Hattangadi, plays the protagonist’s role, even influencing the selection of the state Chief Minister and the Home Minister through her proximity to the High Command at Delhi. What is refreshing is how her intelligence and strategic thinking surmount obstacles, in contrast to her industrialist husband and sons who come through as naïve wimps. If an elderly woman protagonist can dominate a Marathi serial for years together, it is a sign of what people may just like watching — might even welcome.

In cinema the research found that the elderly constituted almost 50 per cent of the total characters — almost five times more than the proportion of older persons in the general population. But no elderly woman played a single central character and less than a fifth of them played a major role. On the other hand older men played both central characters and major roles in several films like “Umar”, “Shararaat”, “Lage Raho Munna Bhai” and “Baghban” where elderly abuse was fought. But everywhere women played only the supporting role. Even while fighting the system as in “Virrudh” and “Dhup”, only the male lead is shown taking up the cudgels while the woman actor simply tags along.

Gendered take

On the whole, cinema seems to depict the elderly at a turning point — at risk, yet resilient; abused by some but respected by others. Be that as it may, elderly females do not move out of their age old stereotypes and the conclusion that emerges is that the box office would prefer no change.

At the end of the day, news, entertainment and advertising perforce hunt for the widest possible audience to absorb their messages. Hence the compulsion to create stereotypes. The danger is that stereotypes reduce people to simple categories and convert assumptions into realities, so accentuating inequalities and prejudice. They even resurrect taboos and cultural traditions which in practice may actually be on the wane. With life expectancy and disposable incomes of the elderly increasing each year, it is time the elderly, particularly women (who outlive men) are projected as leading fulfilled lives. Otherwise far from integrating in society, the elderly will believe what they see and read — and accept their roles as appendages, afraid to relate with a wider society.

The media’s role as an agenda setter for society, as an information provider and an opinion maker is critical because of its inherent power to alter awareness, priorities and mind-sets. The media does not need a regulator to oversee these things. They need only ask the educated elderly what they think. The fear of being discarded for being incompetent and unwanted needs to be allayed, not reinforced.

The donkey’s SADDLE Or, a symbol of the feudal mindset of the Indian bureaucracy

June 15, 2010 at 11:10 AM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

MANDARIN MATTERS | Attestation Of Documents

AMBASSADOR Nigam Prakash (vintage 1966 IFS) tells this story about a souvenir received from a Governor in Tunisia when bidding adieu. He was gifted a donkey saddle with the Governor wishing that his honoured guest would always possess the capacity to rule (the privilege of burdening, beating and kicking people into subjugation). The donkey symbolized the people and the saddle the power to control them. Nigam once used the anecdote to illustrate the attitude of the Indian bureaucracy, which, he felt, embraced the Governor’s philosophy.

Let’s pick an example – attestation of documents. While I was a serving government officer, I had the authority to attest documents certifying that they were true copies of the original. How many people approached me during the 38 years that I possessed this power? I cannot recall more than 20 occasions when I attested documents. As a rule, I did it for someone I knew directly or a colleague’s friend or a friend’s friend.

I do not recall a single instance when a stranger sought attestation of documents. There was a very simple reason: how could a stranger ever approach me?

And how many times did I need to get attested copies of documents for myself – proof of residence, ration card, children’s mark sheets…maybe 500 times.

And how many times did I need to get attested copies of documents for myself – proof of residence, ration card, children’s mark sheets, driving licence, house tax receipts? Maybe 500 times. If you ask me to recall who attested all those documents for me, I do not know. “Madam’s” work just got done.
True, there might be several thousand gazetted officers in the country who would be more accessible to the proletariat than I was but, in the nature of work, gazetted officers function from designated offices. The question of attesting copies for strangers just does not arise. I wonder how the hoi polloi (the donkey) actually persuaded a gazetted officer to attest documents. What, then, is the logic behind insisting on a gazetted officer’s attestation? When the colonial rulers bestowed this legacy, it was founded on the principle of depending only on the dependable. The government’s own servants (gazetted because their appointment appeared in the official gazette) were selected by the British because they could be trusted like head boys. But, after Independence, and three decades beyond, the practice continues. Even after photocopiers replaced carbon copies, the need for attestation by a gazetted officer remained unchanged. What if some bounder made 40 per cent look like 90 per cent while photocopying? So the gazetted officer continued to attest photocopies even after they replaced carbon copies.
And then, in the 1990s, came the age of computers. Scanned copies of documents and signatures began to be freely accepted not just for humdrum daily work, but by banks doing global business, by international organizations and even foreign universities. But here in India the gazetted officer continued to attest documents and affix the rubber stamp under his signature. So what if 99 per cent of people did not fudge documents? That was unimportant. The safety of the donkey’s saddle was more important to the ruler. The low penetration of computers continues to be spouted as the reason to disallow change even now.
A friend who frequently tours rural areas found that young people, frantic to meet deadlines for admission and job applications, and finding it impossible to get hundreds of attestations done by gazetted officers, had simply dumped this donkey business for monkey business. They merrily stocked the rubber stamps of gazetted officers and signed and stamped the documents themselves, sure that no one would ever find out. Impersonating signatures was the least of their problems.

I once described this absurd situation to a group of officers – some serving, some retired – and argued that this antiquated system of attestation by gazetted officers should be scrapped. Astoundingly, the consensus was that attestation by marzi should be replaced by making attestation obligatory. Specific gazetted officers should be earmarked to perform the functions. “Authenticity should not be compromised,” thundered my companions.

IN Europe, the question of attestation of documents just does not arise. Fresh copies are issued by the office that originally issued the document and additional originals are dispatched via the Internet or by post at the price of a coffee. The responsibility for maintaining the data is that of the issuing authority and not of the applicant. How long will it take us to become like that?

Then I recalled a promise made when I was Chief Secretary of Delhi and set about checking what came of it. Imagine my surprise when I found that the Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) has actually begun issuing birth and death certificates in original and the document can be collected from a convenient delivery point or demanded by courier in seven days flat. That all births and deaths are now registered online by practically all nursing homes and hospitals in Delhi by operating user names and passwords linked to the MCD website. As a result, Delhi claims to have achieved nearly 100 per cent registration of births and deaths, whereas the national registration average is around 60 per cent.

Kudos to the much-maligned MCD! But, to be realistic, the need for verification of documents cannot be wished away altogether and certainly not in rural areas. The US practice of notaries attesting documents – much like is done here for legal documents – would suit us. A professional notary council should be established, to accredit individual notaries on the lines of chartered accountants and architects. Any hankypanky committed by a licensed notary would result in his licence being withdrawn and criminal charges of forgery being filed. Every notary throughout the country could be notified on a district website and in tehsil offices along with the fee to be paid for attesting different kinds of documents. The notaries could be allowed to operate from post offices, banks, schools, and community clubs –wherever an organization sees an advantage in having a licensed notary around.

One major caveat, though. This should not mean setting up yet another government office to administer or regulate the attestation of documents with more factotums to sit on the already burdened donkey. In any case, donkeys are fast becoming monkeys and, whatever gazetted officers say, monkey business is what is actually going on. The way out is to begin dispensing originals, at least in the metros, as the MCD has begun doing in a few cases. The originals of ration cards could be taken up next. In the meantime, a professional service provided by licensed notaries should be prescribed for attesting documents at the district and sub-district level.

Bureaucratic Siberia

May 12, 2010 at 1:38 PM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

When a midlevel civil servant is trapped between the whims of a minister and the ego of a secretary, a Gulag beckons

PERHAPS the biggest challenge that middle-level officers in Central Ministries face is managing Ministers and Secretaries who are at loggerheads – though, fortunately, it happens but occasionally.

A veteran was being inducted for the umpteenth time as a Union Minister. A telephone call conveyed that he would arrive at 10 am and would expect to be received in the foyer. In stout Humphrey Appleby mould, the Secretary refused to budge from his office. An entourage of Joint Secretaries, including myself, awaited the ministerial cavalcade. Alighting in a white silk kurta and flowing dhoti, the Minister was escorted upstairs – all of us smiling and gushing, he in stony silence. His first question was, “Where is the Secretary?” Learning that the Secretary was “in his chamber”, his next question was, “When is he due to retire?” The Secretary had his own hotline to the PMO, possibly a pre-arranged strategy to pull the Minister’s coat-tails should he fly too high. Predictably, a tug of war ensued, leaving the entire Ministry observing the see-saw cranking away every day.

In such an atmosphere, the officers had to perform trapeze acts to survive. Bleating about the Minister’s manoeuvrings to the Secretary was fraught with unpredictable consequences. He might report the whole thing in writing to the Cabinet Secretary or, worse, the PMO – the surest way of getting marked a blabbermouth. Besides, unless the Minister approved proposals originating from a Joint Secretary, the progress of programmes would remain in limbo. And the Joint Secretary would be held responsible for non-performance, Minister or no Minister.

I realized that, instead of playing Joan of Arc, it was better to find ways of securing the Secretary’s and Minister’s approvals with a show of quiet efficiency. One day, as I was leaving his room, the Minister said, “You are head and shoulders above everyone in the Ministry. You have the makings of someone who will one day become Cabinet Secretary.” I was taken aback but could not help preening as I pictured myself ensconced in the hallowed portals of Rashtrapati Bhavan from where the Cabinet Secretary ruled a sprawling bureaucracy. I wondered how I would look, playing God at Secretaries’ meetings.

“You have the qualities of two wonderful officers (X and Y) who worked under me,” the Minister continued, sensing that he had hooked me. “These two officers always found answers to the knottiest problems. You too have their intelligence but you are not using it properly. Find a way.” His gold rimmed spectacles glinted under the 40 incandescent bulbs above. I devoured the story but wondered how I was to solve the “knotty problems” he referred to – what he sought was not just irregular but downright illegal. Telling this to the Secretary would definitely invite a dressing down for hobnobbing with the Minister; worse, he would report the whole thing to different watchdog organizations – in writing. Their investigation would never establish the involvement of the Minister for lack of evidence. His denial would end the matter.

But I would emerge a squealer – not to be trusted with “sensitive” work. One evening, returning to my room at 8 pm after one of the interminable briefings that Ministries are famous for, I found three strangers waiting. Before I could speak, one said, “We thought we would just wait to see this extraordinary officer who does no work.” He tilted his chair and stretched his khadi-clad arms behind the backs of his two companions and bared Pan Bahaar-marked teeth at me. “We have heard so much about your tremendous ability not to do any work that we wanted to set eyes on this great woman who has brought the work of the Ministry to a standstill,” said his rumpled companion.

I kept my cool and asked, “May I know who you are and what I can do for you?” “Oh, there is a lot you can do for us,” was the reply, accompanied by raucous laughter. They did not divulge their identity but continued to be insulting and sarcastic.

As before, I had no options. Complaining to the Secretary would have required me to reduce everything into a laborious typewritten note, which would have leaked out even before an inquiry started. Knowing the system, nothing would happen to the bounders but I would certainly be faulted for ineptitude, for not even knowing how they gained entry to my room, and God knows what else.

The next morning, I was called to the Minister’s office to discuss a file. It never occurred to me that my visitors had come at his behest and I foolishly blurted out the whole story to him. This time, far from telling me that I was Cabinet Secretary material, he said curtly, “But isn’t it true that you have not done many things you have been asked to?” “No, sir. I have done every bit of work assigned to me and you too have kindly praised my work, sir,” I replied. “My dear,” said the Minister, “whatever else you do is of no consequence to me. All that matters is whether you have done what I have asked you to do. Recall what I had asked you to do. Not once but several times.”

“But, sir, I told you many weeks ago that those things simply cannot be done. If I did anything of the kind, it would get exposed by the media and the matter would also go to court – even Parliament. You, sir, would get involved in the whole controversy,” said I, hoping that at least that would cut ice with him. Unfazed by my forebodings, the Minister said softly, “Find a way. And this time if you do not do it, Shailaja, I will have no option but to take away your work. Don’t say I have not warned you.” I was aware that as long as the Minister was politically relevant, he would never be taken to task. My complaint if I sent one would be my word against his. And in the process I would get branded as unfit for handling “higher responsibilities” (read Ministers) – reason enough to be marginalized when promotion lists were pruned.

NOTHING happened immediately. Some months later, the Secretary retired. Just before the new one joined, the work distribution in the Ministry was revamped. I found myself shorn of not only the most important desk in the Ministry but also of all the programmes I had nurtured for the past three years. I was left with not even half-an-hour’s work and ample humiliation in the bargain. The smallest things hurt the most.

The bureaucracy is a complex organization. For all the checks and balances that exist on paper, every officer has to keep both Secretary and Minister on the right side because a reputation for ‘getting along’ within ‘the system’ is vital.

Colleagues changed the subject when I entered the lunch room. My private secretary sought a change. The drivers and waiters had the cheek to snigger, “Abhi bhi aap ko koi kaam nahi diya?” I had been reduced to complete irrelevance – the worst ignominy that can be heaped on a civil servant. I later came to know that the Minister got his way on his knotty problems. I wondered what my successor had done to appease him and yet remain safe and dry. Of course, no one told me. Then, one fine evening, 10 months later, retribution came in the nature of a phone call. The private secretary to the chota Minister was on the line, chortling. “Madam, there is good news for you!” he announced. “The bada mantri has been asked to put in his resignation. Your problems are now over. Congratulations!”

And so it was that nearly a year after I was shorn of all work, a new Minister took over, redistribution of work was ordered and I found myself at last with something worthwhile to do.

THE bureaucracy is a complex organization. For all the checks and balances that exist on paper, every officer has to keep both Secretary and Minister on the right side because a reputation for “getting along” within “the system” is vital. In that pursuit, it is foolish to blab, leave alone make a written complaint. The system is simply not geared to act on complaints because there are political trade-offs which ensure that Ministers get protected as long as they are considered necessary politically. Officers are dispensable and waving a flag of uprightness is considered a sign of naivete, whatever may be spouted about being free and frank, bold and brave.

Yet, however powerful, Ministers are completely dependent on the bureaucracy to get their work done. At the end of the day, financial sanctions have to issue and orders have to be signed in the name of the government – something only officers can do or get done. So Ministers will use every ploy possible to influence officers and zero in on the medicine that works.

In the state governments, the Queen of Hearts will simply order “off with his head” if an officer protests too much. In the Central government, the King of Spades has to manage with the officers he gets. And he will use whatever levers are available to get his work done: bully, browbeat, cajole and flatter – and, ultimately, humiliate. If nothing works, he will find a replacement to do his bidding. Fortunately, not all Ministers are like that.

The Helicopter Ride

May 12, 2010 at 10:09 AM | Posted in Bureaucracy, Governance and Sarkar, Incidents that opened my eyes. | 1 Comment
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Choppering out of a glass ceiling

From Sixties India – an account of how district officials reacted to a woman officer

I was 23 and flying in a helicopter over the forests of Thane district in Maharashtra. How I got there bears telling but a little background first. I joined the Indian Administrative Service in 1966 by a stroke of luck. Nurtured in an elite finishing school, Simla’s Tara Hall – where we ate bananas with a fork and mangoes with a spoon – I had spent the next three years in Miranda House in Delhi. The freedom of college life presented vastly superior options over pursuing higher education. Three years later, with an English Literature degree in hand, I had stomped out of advanced expositions on Chaucer and Spencer, preferring to copywrite for J Walter Thompson on the joys of devouring Essex sausages or snuggling into DCM towelling.

Those were the days when the IAS exam was heavily weighted in favour of those who could write and speak English fluently. By all standards, the IAS was a prestigious career option then and I secretly started studying for the examination. A year later, I was an ebullient probationer at the National Academy of Administration. The year at the Academy flit past and here I was, a Supernumerary Assistant Collector, dispatched for training to my home state of Maharashtra. It was an urbanite’s first brush with rural India. With my posting orders, I had been handed a long typewritten itinerary of how I should spend the next year: three months with the Collector, a month with the Additional Collector, then the Assistant Collector, the Superintendent of Police, the Executive Engineer, the Food and Supply Officer, down to the lowest but all-important Mamlatdar. Through this exposure I was expected to imbibe what transpired in each little kingdom that exercised authority within the district, a pattern that prevailed throughout the country albeit with local variations.

The frosty Additional Collector passed me every day in his Morris Minor, as I laboured on foot from Kopri Colony where the officer class lived.

The stopover with each officer was memorable because it was so unique. The first sojourn was supposed to be with the Collector of Thane. I had called on him and informed him that, as part of my training, I was expected to report to him for the next three months and to accompany him on all official tours. Bhadbade was a sour, bespectacled bachelor who peered at me across his enormous semicircular table overflowing with untidy files. His eyes went disapprovingly to my arms, muscular after riding at the National Academy. My plait, which swung below my hips, seemed to irritate him even more.

“Why do you want to accompany me on official tours?” asked the Collector, some 10 years my senior in both age and profession. “Do you want to make money on TA/DA?” I was appalled at his suggestion but Tara Hall had emphasized that elders must be respected. So I just kept a safe distance from his office, feeling more confused and neglected with each passing day. Word soon got around that the new “Supey Bai” (Supernumerary woman) was in some kind of disgrace. Typical of the mofussil mentality, I was automatically given the general avoid by everyone in the Collector’s office. My next brush was with the Additional Collector, who was frosty and apathetic in a different way. He passed me every day in his Morris Minor, as I laboured on foot from Kopri Colony where the officer class lived. Although he could see me, hitching my sari to avoid the monsoon filth mixed with cow dung sloshing over my ankles during the 40-minute trudge to the Collectorate, he never offered a ride – apprehensive about what “people” might say.
The next stopover was with the Superintendent of Police. I learnt absolutely nothing about police functions during that month. With a broad grin, he sent me shopping with his wife. She admired any number of saris in the shops, which mysteriously found their way, in brown paper packets, to the rear of the car. I learnt that things could be stitched overnight at the police welfare centre and loved watching the SP’s wife in her nine-yard sari being feted at get-togethers galore organized by an animated gaggle of police wives.

Next was the Executive Engineer. The poor man just did not know what to do with me. He too deposited me at home with his wife who instantly flopped on the floor, chopped a mound of onions, green chillies and coriander on her footheld knife and threw them into an omelette blended with kerosene fumes disgorged from her primus stove. I began looking forward to those forays to the Executive Engineer’s house where I was plied with one pathare prabhu delicacy after another, kerosene fumes and all.

THE Gujarati Assistant Collector’s snipes about Maharashtrians in general and me in particular tumbled out of his mouth as he sat with his long legs on the magisterial desk for most of the day. He did precious little beyond smoking and rolling the cigarette silver wrapping into little cups, chewing the tissue with slobbery saliva, sticking it into the cup and shooting the missile overhead. The ceiling was studded with at least 50 salivated silver cups staring down at us. Every day, Patel would bolt to Church Gate on the 5.15 fast train where he lived an equally fast life which would have outraged the conservative Collectorate if they only knew.

Despite being considered unworthy of official patronage by the district, I was received with great affection by Ministers and senior officers in the Mantralaya in Bombay. Maharashtrians generally did not aspire to the IAS, content to turn into bank staff, teachers or clerks in droves. Women were virtually non-existent in the Maharashtra cadre. In the corridors of real power, I could sense how privileged I was as a daughter of the soil.
One day, the Commissioner of Bombay division (under which Thane district fell) invited me for breakfast. He asked his 14-year-old daughter to share the batate pohe. That was the first time I set eyes on the present Expenditure Secretary, Sushma Nath – in a frock and spectacles. I was paraded before her as an example of what she should aspire to become. Sushma looked at me impassively and returned to her room without a word. Ch-ha (tea) over, the Commissioner directed me to accompany him to the car waiting outside Yashodhan – the timehonoured abode of senior officers located next to Marine Drive. I got into the staff car with its white towelling over the seats and white lace curtains and answered all the questions that GA Sharma – GAS, as he was fondly called – hurled at me on our drive to Thane. The inquisition did not last long. We reached a clearing beside the road and the Commissioner sprinted towards a maidan where a waiting helicopter was whirring away. He leapt into it and ordered me to hop on behind.

I gushed at the sight of the treetops and rice fields as we soared above them in the chopper. The journey lasted no more than 10 minutes. As we descended towards an open field, I saw a huge gathering of people gawking at the sight. In the front row was the dour Collector of the district, Bhadbade, accompanied by an entourage of district officials and another hundred minions bringing up the vanguard. Imagine Bhadbade’s consternation when he saw me – the Supey Bai – alighting from the helicopter right behind the Divisional Commissioner. The Additional Collector actually smiled. The Assistant Collector asked me whether I would like to ride back to Bombay with him on the fast train. The cops saluted me. Suddenly, I was royalty.
That single helicopter ride with the Commissioner altered the mofussil mindset in a jiffy. If the Commissioner could elevate this woman to sharing not just his car but even a two seater helicopter, it was evident he took the training of a new IAS recruit very seriously – man or woman.

To this day, I cannot judge whether the entire episode was carefully crafted to send a message to the district officers who had neglected my training because they had never seen a woman IAS officer or it was just a question of luck. But the incident certainly left its mark on everyone, starting with the constipated Collector.

Yet, three days later, when a body had to be exhumed in the presence of a Magistrate, no prizes for guessing who was asked to fill in. Of course, the liberated Supey Bai was the Collector’s natural choice.

WHAT PRICE HONESTY?

May 8, 2010 at 11:11 AM | Posted in Incidents that opened my eyes. | 1 Comment

LAST WEEK, AN ELDERLY COUPLE CAME TO SAY GOODBYE. After decades of life here, they were relocating to Bangalore, finding Delhi summers and winters unbearable. Since their retirement some fifteen years ago, they had been residing in a DDA flat at Saket. Their life was honest, uncomplicated and modest. Two sons in the US completed the family — affluent, very concerned about their parent’s welfare, remoteness notwithstanding.

I asked the old couple whether selling the flat had been easy. They told me that they had to wait six months, as all the prospective tenants wanted the transaction primarily in black. This notwithstanding a Supreme Court ruling making it compulsory for the buyer of a property to obtain ‘No Objection’ from the Income Tax Department.
“But what on earth would I do with black money” wailed the old lady. “Our wants are so few”, she went on, “how can we keep Iakhs and lakhs in the house? We were offered Rs 70 lakh if we agreed to take Rs 30 lakh in white and the rest in black. By God’s grace, only last month we found a young couple who took a bank loan and paid Rs 50 lakh, all in white. Not only have we lost Rs 20 lakh, but what is worse”, said she “the income tax authorities will now start combing our tax returns because nobody in our colony has ever sold a house for more than Rs 30 lakh! By showing a Rs 50-lakh-sale, we have made enemies of our old neighbours and bought, God only knows how many more problems.”

This is not an isolated story. These are dilemmas that conftont all honest citizens — to insist on being aboveboard and lose big money; or accept it under the table and worry forever about hiding the cash, all the while fearing the taxman’s knock.
Of course there are thousands more who simply thrive on ‘Number 2 businesses. Shops readily accept cash — no matter how huge the amount might be. I happened to visit one of the largest jewellery shops in Connaught Place. My daughter had pierced her nose and wanted to flaunt a diamond. Escorted upstairs to the diamond section, I was shown a few specimens, with an air of indifference. The chic sales girl’s eyes were fixed on the sofa next to me where sat two women and a man caressing and commenting on an array of diamond ‘sets’. For each item the price was displayed on the calculator; and the items once selected, the transaction was reduced into a scrap of paper, literally a tattered corner torn from a note book.

When Black money talks, no receipts are sought or given. It is simply a matter of ‘faith’. The dude accompanying the two women shoved his hand inside a large plastic bag and rummaged through thick wads of notes. When the money fell short, he plunged his hand into another bag and transferred something solid from one bag to the other. He thrust the bag into the shop girl’s hand who held it like soiled linen as she sashayed to the proprietor’s desk. It was clear that something as costly as a house had been purchased. Memories of my old friends from Saket heightened the irony of the situation. What really bothered me was that both the situations were extremes in a sense, but the scales are increasingly tilting towards the black routes when it comes to property, weddings and jewellery where the absorption rate of black money is at its peak.
Countless commissions and task forces have been established to clean up the mess that surrounds us. They produce tomes which are read only by default. Why do we have only guesstimates that black money accounts for anything ranging from ten per cent to forty per cent of the GDP? After all, there is a greater responsibility to protect honest citizens and to encourage them to observe the law than to conjure up amnesty schemes which pamper the dishonest. Even if an honest taxpayer is not harassed, as is claimed, is that enough? Is he to assume that the rule of law is not to apply to those who break the law? When all transactions above specified limits have to be made strictly through banking channels, why is it not possible to ensure compliance? If the banking machinery is too rudimentary, a beginning could at least be made with the eight biggest cities.

In Belgium and France, personal privileges like driving and road licences can be withdrawn from those found fiddling with black money or resorting to tax evasion. What if builders, hotels, restaurants and jewelers shops (to start with) were told that all their business would have to be conducted with plastic money? Would they close business? Surely not.
Suppose involvement in Number 2 transactions ran the automatic risk of losing the right to hold elected office or company directorships, one wonders how many high and mighty persona would continue dabbling in ‘kala dhanda’. Similarly, defaulters would also be terrffied of losing an arms licence, which for travelling businessmen is an all-important security and status symbol. For that matter if, “under investigation for tax evasion” were to be stamped onto an offender’s passport, it would be far more effective than coughing up the heaviest of fines.

There is a tipping point when things have to change. It may not happen for many years; but if the opportunity cost of monkeying with black money outweighs the benefits, things could change much sooner. Today, in the highest circles (defined by money power), tax evasion is not considered a crime. It is merely a ‘miscalculation of tax’ — like an exalted traffic offence. There is therefore a need to introduce the stigma of criminality to make the spectre of ‘Number 2’ socially taboo.

While other countries publish the number of tax evasion cases that went to the courts, the number of convictions, the prison sentences imposed, the fines payable, the investigations finalised and the cases handed over to specialised agencies dealing with ftaud and suppression of identity, no such information adorns the sanitised web sites of our tax authorities. The short point is— criminalize tax evasion and stop pampering the dishonest.

Let us at least, display the names of the 75,000 odd (pun intended) assessees (city wise) who file an annual personal IT return of more than Rs 10 lakhs. This should shame people into paying their taxes once their friends (and enemies) do not see their names on the list. It is all about changing social mores and it can be done. A five-man-group comprising income tax and sales tax officers, those in charge of stamp duty and property tax, plus the passport office, if they come together, will find ingenious ways to make the guilty shudder and pay up.
There is enough collateral evidence available with all these authorities, if only they worked together. They only need a directive. Is that asking for too much? The tipping point has to come — for the sake of the country’s development, the sooner the better.

WATCHING THE WATCHDOGS

May 8, 2010 at 10:27 AM | Posted in Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

NOT MANY PEOPLE ARE AWARE THAT NGOS NOW NUMBER over 28,300 foreign funded entities, some 16,400 organisations funded by the Central government and another 400,000 at the state level. The third category receives funding from the State governments or from charities, trusts and private sources. What mechanism exists to know who is doing what, where? It is not my case that government should be the custodian, leave alone the controller of such information. Nor is this necessary. What is necessary is to know which organisation is operating for what purpose and whether they are following basic requirements of accountability for the cause they profess to serve. After all, political parties are answerable to the citizens, their decisions and those of their bureaucracies are subject to review by statutory watchdogs, Parliament and state legislatures; the corporate sector is accountable to shareholders through the Companies Act. Why should organisations which claim to work for public good and garner funds in public’s name not be accountable? The RTI only covers those ‘substantially’ funded by the government. What about the rest?
Undoubtedly NGOs have fought against poverty, hunger disease, and achieved much. They have supported human rights, protection of the environment, and served many religious, social, economic, educational and cultural causes with exemplary devotion. But between them NGOs receive more funds than the budgets of many state governments. More foreign aid goes to NGOs located in Delhi than those located in any other state or union territory. For example, the funds received by them exceed the capital’s entire budget for roads and transport. Whereas the Foreigners Contribution (Regulation) Act 1976 seeks to regulate the acceptance and utilisation of foreign contributions, naturally the entire focus is on preventing misuse for antinational activities. What about other issues like competence, expertise, track record and promised outcomes?

Since many of the organisations entered the scene to fill the gaps left behind by a cash-strapped or apathetic public sector, NGOs were seen as benevolent mediators between the government and the people, between the rulers and the ruled. Since nothing ‘went back’ to the donors and there was supposedly no conflict of interest, it was automatically assumed that NGOs were entitled to the high moral ground they flaunted. Vested with this ‘authority’, some NGOs now seek to be public watchdogs, witnesses, judges and executioners all rolled into one. As no one questions their ethics or legitimacy, they have become adept at lobbying for funds, and ‘renting a cause’. It is reported that ten percent of their budgets goes towards publicity which buys credibility, often confused with legitimacy. They project a Robin Hood image setting right ‘wrongs’ and ameliorating society’s ‘ills’. Many of their supporters are retired or serving bureaucrats and academics who don the mantle of grassroots leaders. This is not an Indian phenomenon. The revolving door between government bureaucracies and NGOs exists the world over. However, in India, sometimes bureaucrats themselves facilitate the establishment of NGOs and then join them when the time is ripe. No one questions the conflict of interest. Politicians see no competition from development minded NGOs, who in fact give a good name to the on-going local agenda. Small rabble rousing NGOs are viewed by them merely as a transitory nuisance — little blotches which will disappear as something new catches their attention.

Registering an NGO under the outdated Societies Registration Act 1860 merely requires seven persons to file a bunch of papers — a hurdle which can be crossed quite easily, given the right connections and grease. Whereas the stated goal of NGOs is transfer of ownership to the community, in practice the ‘community’ may be unaware of the activities carried out in its name.

Pressure to improve accountability among NGOs has grown worldwide. The need for observing discipline, professionalism and transparency are being increasingly demanded. In US and UK insistence on disclosures and self-assessment on the lines of corporate governance by listed companies is being talked about. Philanthropists, who once donated funds on trust without any conditionality, now impose requirements. Within academia, centres working within Yale, Harvard, and the London School of Economics etc. have repeatedly called for improvement in NGO accountability The United Nations Economic and Social Council have prescribed accreditation rules requiring a democratically adopted constitution, a representative structure and an appropriate mechanism for accountability. Efforts in this direction began in India too a couple of years back. 15,000 voluntary organisations were involved in a process of consultation to enhance good governance and credibility of NGOs in the public eye. Simple, internal policies for self-regulation were recommended, the aim being to increase transparency, accountability and public confidence. The good news is that a system of accreditation for NGOs has been set in motion and at least those who secure voluntary accreditation can he expected to be observing basic, agreed norms in conducting their operations. The bad news — the initiative is in its nascency and remains a matter of choice.

The real cause for worry is the opacity of the sources of financing, as few NGOs derive income from public contributions or donations. The foreign funded ones declare who their sponsors and financiers are but their track record and actual contribution is overseen by no one. The FCRA only examines the security dimension. The Ministries and Department of the Central and State governments, lack the time, energy or resources to chase after half million organisations across the country. Means and management apart, certainly everyone should be concerned about NGO effectiveness which depends more on competence than possessing a large heart or a loud voice. Ultimately, domain expertise is essential if NGOS are to achieve anything of substance. Often NGOs promote economic causes and pursue issues like child labour and enforcement of labour laws — all worthy goals. But lacking expertise and competence to address issues to the end, they often inflict more damage than good on the beneficiaries. Witness those rendered jobless as factories fotd up leaving thousands of poor people to lead desperate lives in conditions far worse than before. Shorn of their earnings overnight, they have perforce to pursue dangerous options verging on crime. This can hardly be called a victory of good over evil.

Even so, it is creditable that NGOs invited to the last World Economic Forum at Davos were able to buttonhole many a giant who until then treated corporate social responsibility as a nice sounding phrase. Not only did the activists share the same table but their words began to be taken seriously. Almost. Until some of them got branded as ‘ill informed’, ‘incoherent’, and ‘uncompromising’ because rhetoric and expertise are not the same and while competent aggression succeeds, shams get exposed.
The media too needs to be sensitive to the politics behind some NGO movements, to ask searching questions, before eulogizing selected stories to the exclusion of the bigger picture. Self appointed NGOs answer to no constituency. While some have genuinely contributed to enhancing welfare and the furtherance of human and civil rights, others are servicing special interests dictated by their donors. Equally, the extraordinary work being done by a range of selfless, compassionate NGOs hardly receives the coverage it deserves. We need to see more stories about NGOs which have made a difference to people’s lives in ways that no government, or even the most caring individual, could ever have done. Stories about NGOS that provide succour to terminally ill patients; about NGOs attending to burn victims in hospitals; or working with the mentally challenged; bringing the fruits of education to slum children. One salutes the men and women who have given their time and effort to make that difference, unmindful of returns, leave alone recognition. Selfless compassion and concern for the truly deprived deserves much more acclaim. Why it that these heroic deeds never get told? Because they have no friends in high places? Or no time to give dramatic sound bites?

FULL OF GRACE

May 8, 2010 at 9:52 AM | Posted in Incidents that opened my eyes. | Leave a comment

IF THERE IS ONE OBJECT OF GENERAL DISDAIN, CRITICISM AND fury, it is the VIP syndrome. For vicarious pleasure we devour stories capturing VIP arrogance and inconsideration enjoying instances when the media takes jibes at them. Horror stories of roughing up public servants on duty and brandishing their band of rough-tough followers have become commonplace. Some VIPs have become famous for habitually tormenting the public with late arrivals, pontificating away long past the allotted time, even preventing a visit to the restroom for fear of reprisal from accompanying security fiends. So, on rare occasions when VIPs do display good grace, humour and a personal touch, it appears remarkable, certainly something to write about.

I recall a few such instances from my own humdrum life in government. A conference of home secretaries and directors-general of police was to be inaugurated by the prime minister. During the coffee break I found myself edged into the corner as I battled to grab a cup. Suddenly the sea of humanity parted behind me and I could see the prime minister walking down in my direction. Voices around me were saying, “She is here, Madam, she is here”. In that crowded hail surrounded by the top police brass and much more, Indira Gandhi had found time to notice my presence and seek me out. Although I had never met her, she smiled warmly and with an unmistakable twinkle in her eye inquired, “Do the police listen to you?” I could see any number of directors-general of police looking expectantly at my face. What I replied is not important. What is important is that the prime minister of India found the time to take note of the presence of a woman officer, a gesture that spoke volumes about her powers of observation and much more. By seeking me out she did me proud, but more importantly she conveyed a message to all the luminaries present. Are the police not expected to listen?

Some years later, I was posted in Delhi as the resident commissioner of Goa. We were celebrating Goa Day at the state guesthouse on Amrita Shergill Marg. Fresh fish was being marinated from the morning and the aroma of spices pervaded the air. The guest list, an outcome of invitations sent out by the governor and the chief minister of Goa, was a veritable list of Delhi’s ‘Who’s Who’. The most important guest was Rajiv Gandhi though he was no longer the prime minister.

Well before 8p.m. a silver grey Esteem zoomed into the driveway and Rajiv Gandhi emerged, all smiles. He had driven himself to Goa Sadan and was unfazed by his early arrival. As he strode onto the lawns I valiantly searched for ways to keep him occupied till the guests (and hosts) arrived. Leave alone the governor and the chief minister not even the livened bearers were around to fuss over the former prime minister. As I rushed forward to introduce myself, the band of chattering women receptionists swooned and wailed, “Madam, he is soooo handsome”. I shushed them into place and welcomed him hoping he would not notice the higgledy-piggledy gaggle of half-clad dancers gaping at him from behind the bushes. I need not have worried. Rajiv Gandhi was disarmingly boyish and, sensing my consternation, asked me conspiratorially, “I hope you are going to serve prawns,” adding, “I’ve come early so that I don’t miss anything.” Later in the evening, he winked at me as he tucked into the jumbo prawns with gusto. What brought him to the event well before time remains a mystery, but in that one evening he stole our hearts. His informality and unpretentiousness had done the trick.

Years later, the Queen of England was visiting Delhi (the infamous ‘dirty city’ visit — many would recall). The British High Commission had invited a select cross-section of Indians for the At Home to meet her. Posted in the Ministry of Health, I was among those selected for this honour. A marshal in a sharkskin suit complete with gold braid and epaulettes asked me my name, practiced its pronunciation, and instructed me where to stand to be presented to Her Majesty. I took my designated place in the row of selected invitees and waited to meet the ‘happy and glorious’ monarch, as their anthem sonorously claims. On the dot of 5p.m. the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh stepped onto the lawns of the high commissioner’s residence and parted, he to the left and she towards us. I was introduced to the Queen and as she shook my hand she asked smilingly, “And what do you think of DFID?” (That was the acronym for the British Government Department responsible for International Development). Before I could respond, the Queen leaned over and said something jocular in highly aspirated Queen’s English, which I could not decipher. She burst into laughter at the end of the story and I too laughed lustily, not knowing what I was guffawing at. As she moved on to meet other guests, I was surrounded by hordes of onlookers all of whom wanted to know what the big joke was. Those on Her Majesty’s service showered me with kudos for making the Queen laugh. Overnight I became the reigning star. Although the fame was short-lived it was an unforgettable gift from a VIP

Later in my career, -1 had occasion to confront a particularly 1e cantankerous woman. Used to having her own way, she was ro breathing fire and fury because my department had officially turned va down an unworkable proposal from her. The lady’s connections
were phenomenal and I awaited the inevitable rap on the knuckles. One afternoon, my private secretary buzzed the telephone and said, “The prime minister will speak to you.” Since such eminent persona use hotlines when they choose to speak to bureaucrats, I assumed it was the usual overzealousness of my private secretary who had got it wrong. The possibility that the virago was hitting a fly (me) with a hammer (the prime minister) did not even cross my mind. I held the phone in trepidation until I heard the soft, tell amiable voice of A.B. Vajpayee. “Turn se sambhala jayega mamla?” I knew immediately what he meant. Shorn of its simplicity the tim question merely asked, “Are you capable of handling the situation?”
And in that message lay nuances that a thousand words could not have captured. Dutifully I replied, “Bilkul, Sir”, (Absolutely Sir). I knew that he was simply warning me to be tactful and not let things escalate. His gentle endearing style made me find a way, without compromising on the essential point under dissension.
This essay is not about frivolity but gives insights about how a few people in real positions of authority conduct themselves; how they make others feel special at no cost to themselves. If only our blunderbusses could understand the virtues of understatement, the art of giving the personal touch and putting people at ease, they might be remembered long after their days of glory have ceased to be a memory.

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